Arthur Young (1741-1820)'s Travels
in France During the Years 1787, 1788, 1789
(for a complete copy of Young's travels, go to http://www.econlib.org/library/YPDBooks/Young/yngTF0.html )
JOURNAL.
1787.
May 15 THE streight that separates England, so fortunately for her, from all
the rest of the world, must be crossed many times before a traveller ceases
to be surprised at the sudden and universal change that surrounds him on landing
at Calais. The scene, the people, the language, every object is new; and in
those circumstances in which there is most resemblance, a discriminating eye
finds little difficulty in discovering marks of distinctions.
2.1
The noble improvement of a salt marsh, worked by Mons. Mouron of this town,
occasioned my acquaintance some time ago with that gentleman; and I had found
him too well informed, upon various important objects, not to renew it with
pleasure. I spent an agreeable and instructive evening at his house.—165
miles.
....
Pass turbarries,*5 near Montreuil,*6 like those at Newbury. The walk round
the ramparts of that town is pretty: the little gardens in the bastions below
are singular. The place has many English; for what purpose not easy to conceive,
for it is unenlivened by those circumstances that render towns pleasant. In
a short conversation with an English family returning home, the lady, who is
young, and I conjecture agreeable, assured me I should find the court of Versailles
amazingly splendid. Oh! how she loved France!—and should regret going
to England if she did not expect soon to return. As she had crossed the kingdom
of France, I asked her what part of it pleased her best; the answer was, such
as a pair of pretty lips would be sure to utter, "Oh! Paris and Versailles."
Her husband, who is not so young, said "Touraine." It is probable,
that a farmer is much more likely to agree with the sentiments of the husband
than of the lady, notwithstanding her charms.—24 miles.
2.6
The 19th. Dined, or rather starved, at Bernay,*7 where for the first time I
met with that wine of whose ill fame I had heard so much in England, that of
being worse than small beer. No scattered farm-houses in this part of Picardy,
all being collected in villages which is as unfortunate for the beauty of a
country, as it is inconvenient to its cultivation. To Abbeville,*8 unpleasant,
nearly flat; and though there are many and great woods, yet they are uninteresting.
Pass the new chalk chateau of Mons. St. Maritan, who, had he been in England,
would not have built a good house in that situation, nor have projected his
walls like those of an alms-house.
2.7
Abbeville is said to contain 22,000 souls; it is old, and disagreeably built;
many of the houses of wood, with a greater air of antiquity than I remember
to have seen; their brethren in England have been long ago demolished. Viewed
the manufacture of Van Robais,*9 which was established by Lewis XIV. and of
which Voltaire and others have spoken so much. I had many enquiries concerning
wool and woollens to make here; and, in conversation with the manufacturers,
found them great politicians, condemning with violence the new commercial treaty
with England.(This treaty, so liberal in spirit, was signed at Versailles in
Sept. 1786, and ratified the following year. The trade between the two countries
had been up to that time comparatively small; imports and exports were doubled
within twelve months after the treaty had come into force. Among the clauses
was one providing entire religious liberty for subjects of both countries, and
the right of sepulture "in convenient places to be appointed for that purpose."
These friendly and profitable commercial relations were soon interrupted by
war. Knight's Hist. Eng., vol. vi., p. 797.)—30 miles.
....
The 22d. Poverty and poor crops to Amiens; women are now ploughing with a pair
of horses to sow barley. The difference of the customs of the two nations is
in nothing more striking than in the labours of the sex; in England, it is very
little that they will do in the fields except to glean and make hay; the first
is a party of pilfering, and the second of pleasure: in France, they plough
and fill the dung-cart. Lombardy poplars seem to have been introduced here about
the same time as in England.
....
At Luzarch,*19 I found that my mare, from illness, would travel no further; French stables, which are covered dunghills, and the carelessness of garcons d'ecuries, an execrable set of vermin, had given her cold. I therefore left her to send for from Paris, and went thither post; by which experiment I found that posting in France is much worse, and even, upon the whole, dearer than in England. Being in a post-chaise I travelled to Paris, as other travellers in post-chaises do, knowing little or nothing. The last ten miles I was eagerly on the watch for that throng of carriages which near London impede the traveller. I watched in vain; for the road, quite to the gates, is, on comparison, a perfect desert. So many great roads join here, that I suppose this must be accidental. The entrance has nothing magnificent; ill built and dirty. To get to the Rue de Varenne Faubourg St. Germain, I had the whole city to cross, and passed it by narrow, ugly, and crouded streets.
....
The palace of Versailles, one of the objects of which report had given me the greatest expectation, is not in the least striking: I view it without emotion: the impression it makes is nothing. What can compensate the want of unity? From whatever point viewed, it appears an assemblage of buildings; a splendid quarter of a town, but not a fine edifice; an objection from which the garden front is not free, though by far the most beautiful.—The great gallery is the finest room I have seen; the other apartments are nothing; but the pictures and statues are well known to be a capital collection. The whole palace, except the chapel, seems to be open to all the world; we pushed through an amazing croud of all sorts of people to see the procession, many of them not very well dressed, whence it appears, that no questions are asked. But the officers at the door of the apartment in which the King dined, made a distinction, and would not permit all to enter promiscuously.
....
The 28th. Finding my mare sufficiently recovered for a journey, a point of importance to a traveller so weak in cavalry as myself, I left Paris, accompanying the count de la Rochefoucauld and my friend Lazowski, and commencing a journey that is to cross the whole kingdom to the Pyrenees. The road to Orleans is one of the greatest that leads from Paris, I expected, therefore, to have my former impression of the little traffic near that city removed; but on the contrary, it was confirmed; it is a desert compared with those around London. In ten miles we met not one stage or diligence; only two messageries, and very few chaises; not a tenth of what would have been met had we been leaving London at the same hour. Knowing how great, rich, and important a city Paris is, this circumstance perplexes me much. Should it afterwards be confirmed, conclusions in abundance are to be drawn.
....
Pass Payrac,*61 and meet many beggars, which we had not done before. All the country, girls and women, are without shoes or stockings; and the ploughmen at their work have neither sabots nor feet to their stockings. This is a poverty, that strikes at the root of national prosperity; a large consumption among the poor being of more consequence than among the rich: the wealth of a nation lies in its circulation and consumption; and the case of poor people abstaining from the use of manufactures of leather and wool ought to be considered as an evil of the first magnitude. It reminded me of the misery of Ireland. Pass Pont-de-Rodez,*62 and come to high land, whence we enjoyed an immense and singular prospect of ridges, hills, vales, and gentle slopes, rising one beyond another in every direction, with few masses of wood, but many scattered trees. At least forty miles are tolerably distinct to the eye, and without a level acre; the sun, on the point of being set, illumined part of it, and displayed a vast number of villages and scattered farms. The mountains of Auvergne, at the distance of 100 miles, added to the view. Pass by several cottages, exceedingly well built, of stone and slate or tiles, yet without any glass to the windows; can a country be likely to thrive where the great object is to spare manufactures? Women picking weeds into their aprons for their cows, another sign of poverty I observed, during the whole way from Calais.—30 miles.
....
Again to Versailles. In viewing the King's apartment, which he had not left a quarter of an hour, with those slight traits of disorder that shewed he lived in it, it was amusing to see the blackguard figures that were walking uncontrouled about the palace, and even in his bed-chamber; men whose rags betrayed them to be in the last stage of poverty, and I was the only person that stared and wondered how the devil they got there. It is impossible not to like this careless indifference and freedom from suspicion. One loves the master of the house, who would not be hurt or offended at seeing his apartment thus occupied, if he returned suddenly; for if there was danger of this, the intrusion would be prevented. This is certainly a feature of that good temper which appears to me so visible every where in France. I desired to see the Queen's apartments, but I could not. Is her majesty in it? No. Why then not see it as well as the king's? Ma foi, Mons. c'est un autre chose. Ramble through the gardens, and by the grand canal, with absolute astonishment at the exaggerations of writers and travellers. There is magnificence in the quarter of the orangerie, but no beauty any where; there are some statues good enough to wish them under cover. The extent and breadth of the canal are nothing to the eye; and it is not in such good repair as a farmer's horse-pond. The menagerie is well enough, but nothing great. Let those who desire that the buildings and establishments of Louis XIV. should continue the impression made by the writings of Voltaire, go to the canal of Languedoc, and by no means to Versailles.—Return to Paris.—14 miles.
....
The 25th. This great city appears to be in many respects the most ineligible
and inconvenient for the residence of a person of small fortune of any that
I have seen; and vastly inferior to London. The streets are very narrow, and
many of them crouded, nine tenths dirty, and all without foot-pavements. Walking,
which in London is so pleasant and so clean, that ladies do it every day, is
here a toil and a fatigue to a man, and an impossibility to a well dressed woman.
The coaches are numerous, and, what are much worse, there are an infinity of
one-horse cabriolets, which are driven by young men of fashion and their imitators
alike fools, with such rapidity as to be real nuisances, and render the streets
exceedingly dangerous, without an incessant caution. I saw a poor child run
over and probably killed, and have been myself many times blackened with the
mud of the kennels. This beggarly practice of driving a one-horse booby hutch
about the streets of a great capital, flows either from poverty or wretched
and despicable œconomy; nor is it possible to speak of it with too much
severity. If young noblemen at London were to drive their chaises in streets
without foot-ways, as their brethren do at Paris, they would speedily and justly
get very well threshed, or rolled in the Kennel. This circumstance renders Paris
an ineligible residence for persons particularly families that cannot afford
to keep a coach; a convenience which is as dear as at London. The fiacres, hackney-coaches,
are much worse than at that city; and chairs there are none, for they would
be driven down in the streets. To this circumstance also it is owing, that all
persons of small or moderated fortune, are forced to dress in black, with black
stockings; the dusky hue of this in company is not so disagreeable a circumstance
as being too great a distinction; too clear a line drawn in company between
a man that has a good fortune, and another that has not. With the pride, arrogance,
and ill temper of English wealth this could not be borne; but the prevailing
good humour of the French eases all such untoward circumstances. Lodgings are
not half so good as at London, yet considerably dearer. If you do not hire a
whole suite of rooms at an hotel, you must probably mount three, four, or five
pair of stairs, and in general have nothing but a bedchamber. After the horrid
fatigue of the streets, such an elevation is a delectable circumstance. You
must search with trouble before you will be lodged in a private family, as gentlemen
usually are at London, and pay a higher price. Servants wages are about the
same as at that city. It is to be regretted that Paris should have these disadvantages,
for in other respects I take it to be a most eligible residence for such as
prefer a great city. The society for a man of letters, or who has any scientific
pursuit, cannot be exceeded. The intercourse between such men and the great,
which, if it is not upon an equal footing, ought never to exist at all, is respectable.
Persons of the highest rank pay an attention to science and literature, and
emulate the character they confer. I should pity the man who expected, without
other advantages of a very different nature, to be well received in a brilliant
circle at London, because he was a fellow of the Royal Society. But this would
not be the case with a member of the Academy of Sciences at Paris; he is sure
of a good reception every where. Perhaps this contrast depends in a great measure
on the difference of the governments of the two countries. Politics are too
much attended to in England to allow a due respect to be paid to any thing else;
and should the French establish a freer government, academicians will no be
held in such estimation, when rivalled in the public esteem by the orators who
hold forth liberty and property in a free parliament.
1788
THE long journey I had last year taken in France, suggested a variety of reflections on the agriculture, and on the sources and progress of national prosperity in that kingdom; in spite of myself, these ideas fermented in my mind; and while I was drawing conclusions relative to the political state of that great country, in every circumstance connected with its husbandry. I found, at each moment of my reflection, the importance of marking as regular a survey of the whole as was possible for a traveller to effect. Thus instigated, I determined to attempt finishing what I had fortunately enough begun.
The 12th. From thence to Newchatel,*10 by far the finest country since Calais.
Pass many villas of Rouen merchants.—40 miles.
3.9
The 13th. They are right to have country villas—to get out of this great
ugly, stinking, close, and ill built town, which is full of nothing but dirt
and industry. What a picture of new buildings does a flourishing manufacturing
town in England exhibit! The choir of the cathedral is surrounded by a most
magnificent railing of solid brass. They shew the monument of Rollo, the first
duke of Normandy, and of his son; of William Longsword; also those of Richard
Cœur de Lion; his brother Henry; the Duke of Bedford, regent of France;
of their own King Henry V.; of the Cardinal d' Amboise, minister of Louis XII.
The altar-piece is an adoration of the shepherds, by Philip of Champagne. Rouen*11
is dearer than Paris, and therefore it is necessary for the pockets of the people
that their bellies should be wholesomely pinched. At the table d' hôte,
at the hotel pomme du pin we sat down, sixteen, to the following dinner, a soup,
about 3lb. of bouilli, one fowl, one duck, a small fricassee of chicken, rote
of veal, of about 2lb. and two other small plates with a sallad: the price 45f.
and 20f. more for a pint of wine; at an ordinary of 20d. a head in England there
would be a piece of meat which would, literally speaking, outweigh this whole
dinner! The ducks were swept clean so quickly, that I moved from table without
half a dinner. Such table d'hôtes are among the cheap things of France!
Of all sombre and triste meetings a French table d'hôte is foremost; for
eight minutes a dead silence, and as to the politeness of addressing a conversation
to a foreigner, he will look for it in vain. Not a single word has any where
been said to me unless to answer some question: Rouen not singular in this.
The parliament-house here is shut up, and its members exiled a month past to
their country seats, because they would not register the edict for a new land-tax.
I enquired much into the common sentiments of the people, and found that the
King personally from having been here, is more popular than the parliament,
to whom they attribute the general dearness of every thing. Called on Mons.
d'Ambournay, the author of a treatise on using madder green instead of dried,
and had the pleasure of a long conversation with him on various farming topics,
interesting to my enquiries.
....
The 22d. At this fair of Guilbray, merchandize is sold, they say, to the amount of six millions (262,5001) but at that of Beaucaire to ten: I found the quantity of English goods considerable, hard and queen's ware; cloths and cottons. A dozen of common plain plates, 3 liv.and 4 liv. For a French imitation, but much worse; I asked the man (a Frenchman) if the treaty of commerce would not be very injurious with such a difference—C'est précisement le contraire Mons.—quelque mauvaise que soit cette imitation, on n'a encore rien fait d'aussi bien en France; I' année prochaine ou fera mieux—nous perfectionnerons—et en fin nous I' emporterans sur vous.—I believe he is a very good politician, and that without competition, it is not possible to perfect any fabric. A dozen with blue or green edges, English, 5 liv. 5s Return to Caen; dine with the marquis of Guerchy, lieutenant-colonel, major, &c. of the regiment, and their wives present a large and agreeable company. View the Abbey of Benedictines,*26 founded by W. the Conqueror. It is a splendid building, substantial, massy, and magnificent, with very large apartments, and stone stair-cases worthy of a palace. Sup with Mons. du Mesni, captain of the corps de Genie, to whom I had letters; he had introduced me to the engineer employed on the new port, which will bring ships of three or four hundred tons to Caen, a noble work, and among those which do honour to France.
....
The 31st. At Pont Orsin,*36 enter Bretagne; there seems here a more minute
division of farms than before. There is a long street in the episcopal town
of Doll,*37 without a glass window; a horrid appearance. My entry into Bretagne
gives me an idea of its being a miserable province.—22 miles.
3.27
SEPTEMBER 1st. To Combourg,*38 the country has a savage aspect; husbandry not
much further advanced, at least in skill, than among the Hurons, which appears
in credible amidst inclosures; the people almost as wild as their country, and
their town of Combourg one of the most brutal filthy places that can be seen;
mud houses, no windows, and a pavement so broken, as to impede all passengers,
but ease none—yet here is a chatean, and inhabited; who is this Mons.
de Chateaubriant,*39 the owner, that has nerves strung for a residence amidst
such filth and poverty? Below this hideous heap of wretchedness is a fine lake,
surrounded by well wooded inclosures. Coming out of Hedé,*40 there is
a beautiful lake belonging to Mons. de Blassac,*41 intendant of Poictiers, with
a fine accompanyment of wood. A very little cleaning would make here a delicious
scenery. There is a chateau, with four rows of trees, and nothing else to be
seen from the windows in the true French stile. Forbid it, taste, that this
should be the house of the owner of that beautiful water; and yet this Mons.
de Blassac has made at Poictiers the finest promenade in France! But that taste
which draws a strait line, and that which traces a waving one, are founded on
feelings and ideas as separate and distinct as painting and music—as poetry
or sculpture. The lake abounds with fish, pike to 36lb. carp to 24lb. perch
4lb. and tench 5lb. To Rennes the same strange wild mixture of desert and cultivation,
half savage, half human.—31 miles.
The 2d. Rennes*42 is well built, and it has two good squares; that particularly
of Louis XV. where is his statue. The parliament being in exile, the house is
not to be seen. The Benedictines garden, called the Tabour,*43 is worth viewing.
But the object at Rennes most remarkable at present is a camp, with a marshal
of France (de Stainville), and four regiments of infantry, and two of dragoons,
close to the gates. The discontents of the people have been double, first on
account of the high price of bread, and secondly for the banishment of the parliament.
The former cause is natural enough, but why the people should love their parliament
was what I could not understand, since the members, as well as of the states,
are all noble, and the distinction between the noblesse and roturiers no where
stronger, more offensive, or more abominable than in Bretagne. They assured
me, however, that the populace have been blown up to violence by every art of
deception, and even by money distributed for that purpose. The commotions rose
to such a height before the camp was established, that the troops here were
utterly unable to keep the peace. Mons. Argentaise, to whom I had brought letters,
had the goodness, during the four days I was here, to shew and explain everything
to be seen. I find Rennes very cheap; and it appears the more so to me just
come from Normandy, where every thing is extravagantly dear. The table d'hôte,
at the grand maison, is well served ; they give two courses, containing plenty
of good things, and a very ample regular dessert: the supper one good course,
with a large joint of mutton, and another good dessert; each meal, with the
common wine, 40f. and for 20 more you have very good wine, instead of the ordinary
sort: 30f. For the horse: thus, with good wine, it is no more than 6 liv. 10f.
a day, or 5s. 10d. Yet a camp which they complain has raised prices enormously.
3.29
The 5th. To Montauban.*44 The poor people seem poor indeed; the children terribly
ragged, if possible worse clad than it with no cloaths at all; as to shoes and
stockings they are luxuries. A beautiful girl of six or seven years playing
with a stick, and smiling under such a bundle of rags as made my heart ache
to see her: they did not beg, and when I gave them any thing seemed more surprized
than obliged. One third of what I have seen of this province seems uncultivated,
and nearly all of it in misery. What have kings, and ministers, and parliaments,
and states, to answer for their prejudices, seeing millions of hands that would
be industrious, idle and starving, through the execrable maxims of despotism,
or the equally detestable prejudices of a feudal nobility*45 Sleep at the lion
d' or, at Montauban, an abominable hole.—20 miles.
....
The 15th. The same sombre country to l'Orient,*59 but with a mixture of cultivation
and much wood.—I found l'Orident so full of fools, gaping to see a man
of war launched, that I could get no bed for myself, nor stable for my house
at the epeè royale. At the cheval blanc, a poor hole, I got my horse
crammed among twenty others, like herrings in a barrel, but could have no bed.
The duke de Brissac, with a suite of officers, had no better success. If the
governor of Paris could not, without trouble, get a bed at l'Orient, no wonder
Arthur Young found obstacles. I went directly to deliver my letters, found Mons,
Besné, a merchant, at home; he received me with a frank civility better
than a million of compliments; and the moment he understood my situation, offered
me a bad in his house, which I accepted. The Tourville, of 84 guns, was to be
launched at three o'clock, but put off till the next day, much to the joy of
the aubergistes, &c. who were well pleased to see such a swarm of strangers
kept another day. I wished the ship in their throats, for I thought only of
my poor mare being squeezed a night amongst the Bretagne garrans; sixpence,
however to the garcon, had effects marvelously to her ease. The town is modern,
and regularly built, the streets diverge in rays from the gate, and are crossed
by others at right angles, broad, handsomely built, and well paved; with many
houses that make a good figure. But what makes l'Orient more known is being
the appropriated port for the commerce of India, containing all the shipping
and magazines of the company. The latter are truly great, and speak the royal
munificence from which they arose. They are of several stores, and all vaulted
in stone, in a splendid style, and of vast extent. But they want, at least at
present, like so many other magnificent establishments in France, the vigour
and vivacity of an active commerce. The business transacting here seems trifling.
Three 84 gun ships, the Tourville, l'Eole, and Jean Bart, with a 32 gun frigate,
are upon the stocks. They assured me, that the Tourville has been only nine
months building: the scene is alive, and fifteen large men of war being laid
up here in ordinary, with some Indiamen, and a few traders, render the port
a pleasing spectacle. There is a beautiful round tower, 100 feet high, of white
stone, with a railed gallery at top; the proportions light and agreeable; it
is for looking out and making signals. My hospitable merchant, I find a plain
unaffected character, with some whimsical originalities, that make him more
interesting; he has an agreeable daughter, who entertains me with singing to
her harp. The next morning the Tourville quitted her stocks, to the music of
the regiments, and the shouts of thousands collected to see it. Leave l'Orient.
Arrive at Hennebon.*60—7½ miles.
....
The 19th. Turned aside to Auvergnae,*66 the seat of the count de la Bourdonaye,*67 to whom I had a letter from the dutchess d'Anville, as a person able to give me every species of intelligence relative to Bretagne, having for five-and-twenty years been first syndic of the noblesse. A fortuitous jumble of rocks and steeps could scarcely form a worse road than these five miles: could I put as much faith in two bits of wood laid over each other, as the good folks of the country do, I should have crossed myself, but my blind friend, with the most incredible sure-footedness, carried me safe over such places, that if I had not been in the every day habit of the saddle, I should have shuddered at, though guided by eyes keen as Eclipse's; for I suppose a fine racer, on whose velocity so many fools have been ready to lose their money, must have good eyes, as well as good legs. Such a road, leading to several villages, and one of the first noblemen of the province, shews what the state of society must be;—no communication—no neighbourhood—no temptation to the expences which flow from society; a mere seclusion to save money in order to spend it in towns. The count received me with great politeness; I explained to him my plan and motives for travelling in France, which he was pleased very warmly to approve, expressing his surprise that I should attempt so large an undertaking, as such a survey of France, unsupported by my government; I told him he knew very little of our government, if he supposed they would give a shilling to any agricultural project or projector; that whether the minister was whig or tory made no difference, the party of THE PLOUGH never yet had one on its side; and that England has had many Colberts but not one Sully. This led to much interesting conversation on the balance of agriculture, manufactures, and commerce, and on the means of encouraging them; and, in reply to his enquiries, I made him understand their relations in England, and how our husbandry flourished, in spite of the teeth of our ministers, merely by the protection which civil liberty gives to property: and consequently that it was in a poor situation, comparatively with what it would have been in had it received the same attention as manufactures and commerce. I told M. de la Bourdonaye that his province of Bretagne seemed to me to have nothing in it but privileges and poverty, he smiled, and gave me some explanations that are important; but no nobleman can ever probe this evil as it ought to be done, resulting as it does from the privileges going to themselves, and the poverty to the people. He shewed me his plantations, which are very fine and well thriven, and shelter him thoroughly on every side, even from the S. W. so near to the sea; from his walks we see Belleisle and its neighbours, and a little isle or rock belonging to him, which he says the King of England took from him after Sir Edward Hawke's victory, but that his majesty was kind enough to leave him his island after one night's possession.—
....
The 21st. Come to an improvement in the midst of these deserts, four good houses of stone and slate, and a few acres run to wretched grass, which have been tilled, but all savage, and become almost as rough as the rest. I was afterwards informed that this improvement, as it is called, was wrought by Englishmen, at the expence of a gentleman they ruined as well as themselves.—I demanded how it had been done? Pare and burn, and sow wheat, then rye, and then oats. Thus it is for ever and ever! the same follies, the same blundering, the same ignorance; and then all the fools in the country said, as they do now, that these wastes are good for nothing. To my amazement find the incredible circumstance, that they reach within three miles of the great commercial city of Nantes! This is a problem and a lesson to work at, but not at present. Arrive—go to the theatre, new built of fine white stone, and has a magnificent portico front of eight elegant Corinthian pillars, and four others within, to part the portico from a grand vestibule. Within all is gold and painting, and a coup d'œil at entering, that struck me forcibly. It is, I believe, twice as large as Drury-Lane, and five times as magnificent. It was Sunday, and therefore full. Mon Dieu! cried I to myself, do all the wastes, the deserts, the heath, ling, furz, broom, and bog, that I have passed for 300 miles lead to this spectacle? What a miracle, that all this splendour and wealth of the cities in France should be so unconnected with the country! There are no gentle transitions from ease to comfort, from comfort to wealth: you pass at once from beggary to profusion,—from misery in mud cabins to Mademoiselle St. Huberti, in splendid spectacles at 500 liv. a night, (21l. 17s. 6d.) The country deserted, or if a gentleman in it, you find him in some wretched hole, to save that money which is lavished with profusion in the luxuries of a capital.—20 miles.
....
1789.
The 8th. To my friend Lazowski, to know where were the lodgings I had written him to hire me, but my good dutchess d'Estissac would not allow him to execute my commission. I found an apartment in her hotel prepared for me. Paris is at present in such a ferment about the States General,*3 now holding at Versailles, that conversation is absolutely absorbed by them. Not a word of any thing else talked of. Everything is considered, and justly so, as important in such a crisis of the fate of four-and-twenty millions of people. It is now a serious contention whether the representatives are to be called the Commons or Tiers Etat; they call themselves steadily the former, while the court and the great lords reject the term with a species of apprehension, as if it involved a meaning not easily to be fathomed. But this point is of little consequence, compared with another, that has kept the states for some time in inactivity, the verification of their power separately or in common. The nobility and the clergy demand the former, but the Commons steadily refuse it; the reason why a circumstance, apparently of no great consequence, is thus tenaciously regarded, is that it may decide their sitting for the future in separate houses or in one.*4 Those who are warm for the interest of the people declare that it will be impossible to reform some of the grossest abuses in the state, if the nobility, by sitting in a separate chamber, shall have a negative on the wishes of the people: and that to give such a veto to the clergy would be still more preposterous; if therefore, by the verification of their powers in one chamber, they shall once come together, the popular party hope that there will remain, no power afterwards to separate. The nobility and clergy foresee the same result, and will not therefore agree to it. In this dilemma it is curious to remark the feelings of the moment. It is not my business to write memoirs of what passes, but I am intent to catch, as well as I can, the opinions of the day most prevalent. While I remain at Paris, I shall see people of all descriptions, from the coffee-house politicians to the leaders in the states; and the chief object of such rapid notes as I throw on paper, will be to catch the ideas of the moment; to compare them afterwards with the actual events that shall happen, will afford amusement at least. The most prominent feature that appears at present is, that an idea of common interest and common danger does not seem to unite those, who, if not united, may find themselves too weak to oppose the common danger that must arise from the people being sensible of a strength the result of their weakness. The king, court, nobility, clergy, army, and parliament, are nearly in the same situation. All these consider, with equal dread, the ideas of liberty, now afloat; except the first, who, for reasons obvious to those who know his character, troubles himself little, even with circumstances that concern his power the most intimately. Among the rest, the feeling of danger is common, and they would unite, were there a head to render it easy, in order to do without the states at all. That the commons themselves look for some such hostile union as more than probable, appears from an idea which gains ground, that they will find it necessary should the other two orders continue to unite with them in one chamber, to declare themselves boldly the representatives of the kingdom at large, calling on the nobility and clergy to take their places—and to enter upon deliberations of business without them, should they refuse it. All conversation at present is on this topic, but opinions are more divided than I should have expected. There seem to be many who hate the clergy so cordially, that rather than permit them to form a distinct chamber would venture on a new system, dangerous as it might prove.
The 9th. The business going forward at present in the pamphlet shops of Paris is incredible. I went to the Palais Royal to see what new things were published, and to procure a catalogue of all. Every hour produces something new. Thirteen came out to-day, sixteen yesterday, and ninety-two last week. We think sometimes that Debrett's or Stockdale's shops at London are crouded, but they are mere deserts, compared to Desein's, and some others here, in which one can scarcely squeeze from the door to the counter. The price of printing two years ago was from 27 liv. to 30 liv. per sheet, but now it is from 60 liv. to 80 liv. This spirit of reading political tracts, they say, spreads into the provinces, so that all the presses of France are equally employed. Nineteen-twentieths of these productions are in favour of liberty, and commonly violent against the clergy and nobility; I have to-day bespoke many of this description, that have reputation; but enquiring for such as had appeared on the other side of the question, to my astonishment I find there are but two or three that have merit enough to be known. Is it not wonderful, that while the press teems with the most levelling and even seditious principles, that if put in execution would overturn the monarchy, nothing in reply appears, and not the least step is taken by the court to restrain this extreme licentiousness of publication. It is easy to conceive the spirit that must thus be raised among the people. But the coffee-houses in the Palais Royal present yet more singular and astonishing spectacles; they are not only crouded within, but other expectant crouds are at the doors and windows, listening a gorge deployé to certain orators, who from chairs or tables harangue each his little audience: the eagerness with which they are heard, and the thunder of applause they receive for every sentiment of more than common hardiness or violence against the present government, cannot easily be imagined. I am all amazement at the ministry permitting such nests and hotbeds of sedition and revolt, which disseminate amongst the people, every hour, principles that by and by must be opposed with vigour, and therefore it seems little short of madness to allow the propagation at present.
The 10th. Every thing conspires to render the present period in France critical:
the want of bread is terrible: accounts arrive every moment from the provinces
of riots and disturbances, and calling in the military, to preserve the peace
of the markets. The prices reported are the same as I found at Abbeville and
Amiens 5f. (2½.) a pound for white bread, and 3½f. to 4f. for
the common sort, eaten by the poor: these rates are beyond their faculties,
and occasion great misery. At Meudon, the police, that is to say the intendant,
ordered that no wheat should be sold on the market without the person taking
at the same time an equal quantity of barley. What a stupid and ridiculous regulation,
to lay obstacles on the supply, in order to be better supplied; and to shew
the people the fears and apprehensions of government, creating thereby an alarm,
and raising the price at the very moment they wish to sink it. I have had some
conversation on this topic with well informed persons, who have assured me that
the price is, as usual, much higher than the proportion of the crop demanded,
and there would have been no real scarcity if Mr. Necker would have let the
corn-trade alone; but his edicts of restriction, which have been mere comments
on his book on the legislation of corn, have operated more to raise the price
than all other causes together. It appears plain to me, that the violent friends
of the commons are not displeased at the high price of corn, which seconds their
views greatly, and makes any appeal to the common feeling of the people more
easy, and much more to their purpose than if the price was low. Three days past,
the chamber of the clergy contrived a cunning proposition; it was to send a
deputation to the commons, proposing to name a commission from the three orders
to take into consideration the misery of the people, and to deliberate on the
means of lowering the price of bread. This would have led to the deliberation
by order, and not by heads, consequently must be rejected, but unpopularly so
from the situation of the people: the commons were equally dextrous; in their
reply, they prayed and conjured the clergy to join them in the common hall of
the states to deliberate, which was no sooner reported at Paris than the clergy
became doubly an object of hatred; and it became a question with the politicians
of the Caffé de Foy,*5 whether it was not lawful for the commons to decree
the application of their estates towards easing the distress of the people?
4.10
The 11th. I have been in much company all day, and cannot but remark, that there
seem to be no settled ideas of the best means of forming a new constitution.
Yesterday the Abbé Syeyes*6 made a motion in the house of commons, to
declare boldly to the privileged orders, that if they will not join the commons,
the latter will proceed in the national business without them; and the house
decreed it, with a small amendment. This causes much conversation on what will
be the consequence of such a proceeding; and on the contrary, on what may flow
from the nobility and clergy continuing steadily to refuse to join the commons,
and should they so proceed, to protest against all they decree, and appeal to
the King to dissolve the states, and recal them in such a form as may be practicable
for business. In these most interesting discussions, I find a general ignorance
of the principles of government; a strange and unaccountable appeal, on one
side, to ideal and visionary rights of nature; and, on the other, no settled
plan that shall give security to the people for being in future in a much better
situation than hitherto; a security absolutely necessary. But the nobility,
with the principles of great lords that I converse with, are most disgustingly
tenacious of all old rights, however hard they may bear on the people; they
will not hear of giving way in the least to the spirit of liberty, beyond the
point of paying equal land-taxes, which they hold to be all that can with reason
be demanded. The popular party, on the other hand, seem to consider all liberty
as depending on the privileged classes being lost, and outvoted in the order
of the commons, at least for making the new constitution; and when I urge the
great probability, that should they once unite, there will remain no power of
ever separating them; and that in such case, they will have a very questionable
constitution, perhaps a very bad one; I am always told, that the first object
must be for the people to get the power of doing good; and that it is no argument
against such a conduct to urge that an ill use may be made of it. But among
such men, the common idea is, that any thing tending towards a separate order,
like our house of lords, is absolutely inconsistent with liberty; all which
seems perfectly wild and unfounded.
....
The 28th. Having provided myself a light French cabriolet for one horse, or gig Anglois, and a horse, I left Paris, taking leaving of my excellent friend, Mons. Lazowski, whose anxiety for the fate of his country, made me respect his character as much as I had reason to love it for the thousand attentions I was in the daily habit of receiving from him.
....
The 12th. Walking up a long hill, to ease my mare, I was joined by a poor woman, who complained of the times, and that it was a sad country; demanding her reasons, she said her husband had but a morsel of land, one cow, and a poor little horse, yet they had a franchar (42 lb.) of wheat, and three chickens, to pay as a quit-rent to one Seigneur; and four franchar of oats, one chicken and 1f. to pay to another, besides very heavy tailles and other taxes. She had seven children, and the cow's milk helped to make the soup. But why, instead of a horse, do not you keep another cow? Oh, her husband could not carry his produce so well without a horse; and asses are little used in the country. It was said, at present, that something was to be done by some great folks for such poor ones, but she did not know who nor how, but God send us better, car les tailles & les droits nous ecrasent.—This woman, at no great distance might have been taken for sixty or seventy, her figure was so bent, and her face so furrowed and hardened by labour,—but she said she was only twenty-eight. An Englishman who has not travelled, cannot imagine the figure made by infinitely the greater part of the countrywomen in France; it speaks, at the first sight, hard and severe labour: I am inclined to think, that they work harder than the men, and this, united with the more miserable labour of bringing a new race of slaves into the world, destroys absolutely all symmetry of person and every feminine appearance. To what are we to attribute this difference in the manners of the lower people in the two kingdoms? TO GOVERNMENT.—23 miles.
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July The 26th. For twenty miles to Lisle sur Daube,*84 the country nearly as
before; but after that, to Baume les Dames,*85 it is all mountainous and rock,
much wood, and many pleasing scenes of the river flowing beneath. The whole
country is in the greatest agitation; at one of the little towns I passed, I
was questioned for not having a cockade of the tiers etat. They said it was
ordained by the tiers, and, if I was not a Seigneur, I ought to obey. But suppose
I am a Seigneur, what then, my friends?—What then? they replied sternly,
why, be hanged; for that most likely is what you deserve. It was plain this
was no moment for joking, the boys and girls began to gather, whose assembling
has every where been the preliminaries of mischief; and if I had not declared
myself an Englishman, and ignorant of the ordinance, I had not escaped very
well. I immediately bought a cockade, but the hussey pinned it into my hat so
loosely, that before I got to Lisle it blew into the river, and I was again
in the same danger. My assertion of being English would not do. I was a Seigneur,
perhaps in disguise, and without doubt a great rogue. At this moment a priest
came into the street with a letter in his hand: the people immediately collected
around him, and he then read aloud a detail from Befort, giving an account of
M. Necker's passing, with some general features of news from Paris, and assurances
that the condition of the people would be improved. When he had finished, he
exhorted them to abstain from all violence; and assured them, they must not
indulge themselves with any ideas of impositions being abolished; which he touched
on as if he knew that they had got such notions. When he retired, they again
surrounded me, who had attended to the letter like others; were very menacing
in their manner; and expressed many suspicions: I did not like my situation
at all, especially on hearing one of them say that I ought to be secured till
somebody would give an account of me. I was on the steps of the inn, and begged
they would permit me a few words; I assured them, that I was an English traveller,
and to prove it, I desired to explain to them a circumstance in English taxation,
which would be a satisfactory comment on what Mons. l'Abbé had told them,
to the purport of which I could not agree. He had asserted, that the impositions
must be paid as heretofore: that the impositions must be paid was certain, but
not as heretofore, as they might be paid as they were in England. Gentlemen,
we have a great number of taxes in England, which you know nothing of in France;
but the tiers etat, the poor do not pay them; they are laid on the rich; every
window in a man's house pays; but if he has no more than six windows, he pays
nothing; a Seigneur, with a great estate, pays the vingtiemes and tailles, but
the little proprietor of a garden pays nothing; the rich for their horses, their
voitures, and their servants, and even for liberty to kill their own partridges,
but the poor farmer nothing of all this: and what is more, we have in England
a tax paid by the rich for the relief of the poor; hence the assertion of Mons.
l'Abbé, that because taxes existed before they must exist again, did
not at all prove that they must be levied in the same manner; our English method
seemed much better. There was not a word of this discourse, they did not approve
of; they seemed to think that I might be an honest fellow, which I confirmed,
by crying, vive le tiers, sans impositions, when they gave me a bit of a huzza,
and I had no more interruption from them. My miserable French was pretty much
on a par with their own patois. I got, however, another cockade, which I took
care to have so fastened as to lose it no more. I do not half like travelling
in such an unquiet and fermenting moment; one is not secure for an hour beforehand.—35
miles.
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